Elsevier

Progress in Neurobiology

Volume 92, Issue 3, November 2010, Pages 345-369
Progress in Neurobiology

Toward a neurobiology of delusions

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pneurobio.2010.06.007Get rights and content

Abstract

Delusions are the false and often incorrigible beliefs that can cause severe suffering in mental illness. We cannot yet explain them in terms of underlying neurobiological abnormalities. However, by drawing on recent advances in the biological, computational and psychological processes of reinforcement learning, memory, and perception it may be feasible to account for delusions in terms of cognition and brain function. The account focuses on a particular parameter, prediction error – the mismatch between expectation and experience – that provides a computational mechanism common to cortical hierarchies, fronto-striatal circuits and the amygdala as well as parietal cortices. We suggest that delusions result from aberrations in how brain circuits specify hierarchical predictions, and how they compute and respond to prediction errors. Defects in these fundamental brain mechanisms can vitiate perception, memory, bodily agency and social learning such that individuals with delusions experience an internal and external world that healthy individuals would find difficult to comprehend. The present model attempts to provide a framework through which we can build a mechanistic and translational understanding of these puzzling symptoms.

Research highlights

▶ Delusions have been considered ‘ununderstandable’ in terms of cognitive and neural mechanisms. ▶ A parameter from formal learning models, prediction error, may provide some traction; we learn most in situations that violate our expectations and engender prediction errors. ▶ We have localized the neural circuitry of prediction error processing and related its function to the formation of beliefs. ▶ The same circuitry has been used to implicate excessive and inappropriate prediction error in delusion formation. ▶ The same neural and cognitive processes may explain the tenacity of delusions as well as their disparate and bizarre contents.

Introduction

Delusions are the extraordinary and tenacious false beliefs suffered by patients with various ailments ranging from schizophrenia (Schneider, 1959), to traumatic brain injury (Coltheart et al., 2007), Alzheimer's (Flint, 1991) and Parkinson's disease (Ravina et al., 2007), the ingestion of psychotogenic drugs (Corlett et al., 2009a) and, less frequently, autoimmune disorders such as Morvan's syndrome (Hudson et al., 2008) or potassium channel encephalopathy (Parthasarathi et al., 2006). Given this range of potential diagnoses, each with its own candidate neuropathology, it is perhaps unsurprising that we have not converged upon an agreed neurobiology of delusions. Delusions are particularly hard to study because of their insidious onset and tonic nature, their conceptual rather than behavioral basis (making them difficult to study using animal models), and the absence of a coherent theoretical model. We aim to address these issues in the current review by developing a translational model of delusion formation which we believe makes delusions tractable for animal modeling, amenable to investigation with functional neuroimaging and grounded within a theoretical framework that makes testable predictions.

Our task is made more difficult when one considers the range of odd beliefs from which people suffer; fears of persecution by clandestine forces (Melo et al., 2006); beliefs that televisions or newspapers are communicating a specific and personal message (Conrad, 1958b, Startup and Startup, 2005), the conviction that one's thoughts and movements are under the control of an external agent or are broadcast out loud (Schneider, 1959); an unrealistic belief in one's own fame or power (Karson, 1980, Kraeplin, 1902), that one is infested with parasites (Thiebierge, 1894) or deceased (Cotard, 1880), or the subject of a stranger's love (De Clerambault, 1942), or that family members have been replaced by imposters or even robots (Capgras and Reboul-Lachaux, 1923).

We take a cognitive neuropsychiatric approach to delusions. That is, the starting point is to review what we understand about the healthy functioning of a particular process, e.g. familiar face recognition, before extrapolating to the disease case, when face recognition fails and delusions of misidentification form (Halligan and David, 2001). This approach has proven successful for explaining certain delusions (Ellis and Young, 1990) but not yet for delusions in general. Perhaps this is because there are difficulties defining delusions as well as deciding what they have in common (if anything) with normal, healthy beliefs (Berrios, 1991, Delespaul and van Os, 2003, Jones, 2004, Owen et al., 2004). Beliefs are not easily accessible to the techniques of neuroscience which are more suited to representing states with clear experiential boundaries (Damasio, 2000, Knobel et al., 2008).

Furthermore, delusions are difficult to model in animals, given that they involve dysfunctions of what many consider uniquely human faculties like consciousness, language, reality monitoring and meta-cognition (Angrilli et al., 2009, Berrios, 1991, Moritz et al., 2006). Computational models of core cognitive functions (such as working memory) are being applied to gain insights into neural dysfunction in schizophrenia (Seamans and Yang, 2004, Winterer, 2006) and some are beginning to address the phenomenology of specific psychotic symptoms (Loh et al., 2007), however, these models have focused on circuit mechanisms within a local area (like prefrontal cortex), they are unable to capture the content of particular symptoms which involve information processing across large networks of interacting brain regions (Fuster, 2001).

There is a need for a testable conceptual model of delusions, one that is rooted in translational cognitive neuroscience. We, and others, propose that beliefs (both normal and abnormal) arise through a combination of innate or endowed processes, learning, experience and interaction with the world (Friston, 2010). Like other forms of information, beliefs are represented in the brain through the formation and strengthening of synaptic connections between neurons, for example causal beliefs may be mediated by a strengthening of the synaptic associations between pools of neurons representing a particular cause and their counterparts representing an associated effect (Dickinson, 2001, McLaren and Dickinson, 1990, Shanks, 2010). There are neural (and hence cognitive) limits set on the range of possible connections that can be made (Kandel, 1998). The strength of those connections is modifiable such that those conveying an adaptive advantage are strengthened and those that are disadvantageous are weakened (Hebb, 1949b, Thorndike, 1911).

This set of sculpted connections is used to predict subsequent states of the internal and external world and respond adaptively (Friston, 2005b); however, should that next state be surprising, novel or uncertain new learning is required (Schultz and Dickinson, 2000). Our premise is based upon the idea that the brain is an inference machine (Helmholtz, 1878/1971) and that delusions correspond to false inference. This inference is necessarily probabilistic and rests upon some representation of predictions (prediction error) and uncertainty (i.e. precision) about those predictions. Within this framework, we see delusions as maladaptive beliefs that misrepresent the world. They might arise through any number of perturbations within this scheme, from an unconstrained specification of the possible or lawful set of neural connections (Hoffman and Dobscha, 1989); providing the potential for bizarre beliefs to form (Hemsley and Garety, 1986a), to an adventitious and inappropriate reinforcement of particular neural connections (King et al., 1984, Shaner, 1999); engendering unexpected percepts, attentional capture and beliefs that deviate grossly from reality (Corlett et al., 2009a, Corlett et al., 2007a, Fletcher and Frith, 2009). Impaired predictive mechanisms have been previously implicated in delusions of alien control; whereby the sufferer believes their movements are under the control of an external agent because of an inability to appropriately predict the sensory consequences of their actions (Frith et al., 2000b). We propose that this account generalizes from actions to numerous cognitive processes, that predictive learning and prediction errors are general mechanisms of brain function (Friston, 2005b, Schultz and Dickinson, 2000) and that aberrant predictions and prediction errors provide a unifying explanation for delusions with disparate contents.

A crucial distinction, which we will appeal to repeatedly, is between prediction errors per se and the precision or uncertainty about those errors. We will develop the argument that delusions (and their neurotransmitter basis) represent a failure to properly encode the precision of predictions and prediction errors; in other words, a failure to optimize uncertainty about sensory information. Here, prediction errors encode information that remains to be explained by top-down predictions (Rao and Ballard, 1999). This distinction is important because it is easy to confuse the role of phasic dopaminergic discharges as encoding reward prediction error (Montague et al., 1996, Schultz et al., 1997), and the role of dopamine in modulating or optimizing the precision of prediction errors that may or may not be reward-related (Friston et al., 2009), for example by modulating the signal to noise response properties of neural units encoding prediction error. In what follows, we will assume that the pathophysiology of delusions involves a misrepresentation of salience, uncertainty, novelty or precision (mathematically precision is the inverse of uncertainty). Biologically, this corresponds to aberrant modulation of post-synaptic gain that, presumably, involves NMDA receptor function (Friston, 2010). This fits comfortably with the role of dopamine in controlling signal to noise and the numerous proposals that dopamine (at least in terms of its tonic discharge rates) encodes uncertainty or violation of expectations (Fiorillo et al., 2003, Preuschoff et al., 2006).

The challenge is to provide empirical data that test the hypothesis. Numerous investigators have accepted this challenge and, by sharing a set of common simplifying assumptions, we are beginning to develop an understanding of delusions in the brain. Here, we review this growing understanding, beginning with a set of principles which, we believe, are important in developing our understanding of the neurobiology of delusions.

Section snippets

Reductionist principles for a neuroscience of delusion

The four principles are as follows: Beliefs and memories share cognitive and neural mechanisms (1); learning memory and belief influence perception (2); affect impacts upon learning and memory and hence belief (3); our sense of self, agency, free will and beliefs about others are governed by the same simple neural learning mechanisms (4). By taking a reductionist approach, grounded in formal animal learning theory, computational and cognitive neuroscience we can begin to tackle the hard

The fixity of delusions

By inappropriately updating subject's priors, delusions are applied to all subsequent experiences (Conrad, 1958b, Mishara and Corlett, 2009). Why might this be? Indeed, if we are arguing that delusions form under the influence of inappropriate, uncertain and imprecise prediction error, why do delusions become so tenacious? Here we turn to a process that has received increasing empirical attention in recent years; memory reconsolidation (Misanin et al., 1968, Nader et al., 2000). We conceive of

One or two factors?

There are competing accounts of delusions in cognitive neuropsychiatry (Coltheart et al., 2007, Freeman et al., 2002, Garety, 1991, Garety and Freeman, 1999, Gerrans, 2002, Kinderman and Bentall, 1997, McKay et al., 2007). Some argue that perceptual aberrations are all that is required for a delusion to form (Gerrans, 2002, Maher, 1974), others that delusions result from top-down reasoning impairments (Freeman et al., 2002, Garety, 1991, Garety and Freeman, 1999), others still posit some

A neurodevelopmental dimension?

Developmental studies suggest that children who go on to develop schizophrenia and therefore likely delusions (although not all patients with schizophrenia have delusions) have subtle neurological ‘soft-signs’ indicative of aberrant sensorimotor integration (Mohr et al., 1996). In healthy individuals, there are relationships between motor developmental milestones, structural integrity of the frontal cortex, striatum and cerebellum and executive cognitive function, associations which are not

Explaining delusion content

We now attempt to account for different kinds of delusion within this framework. While the scope of this section is by no means exhaustive, we believe that the range of delusions potentially accounted for within the framework is compelling (see Fig. 4).

Why that odd belief? Individual differences in delusion susceptibility

While some psychotic patients get paranoid, others experience passivity, others still have multiple bizarre delusions. We posit a single factor, prediction error dysfunction for delusion formation and maintenance (Corlett et al., 2009a, Corlett et al., 2007a, Corlett et al., 2009a, Fletcher and Frith, 2009). We have recently applied this single factor account to explain the range of phenomenological effects of pharmacologically distinct psychotomimetic drugs from dopamine agonist amphetamines,

Testing the hypothesis

Our sketch of the emerging neurobiology of delusional beliefs makes a number of testable predictions which will assess the validity of the venture:

  • (1)

    We have argued that delusions arise and are maintained due to aberrations of glutamatergic synaptic plasticity, specifically chronically elevated synaptic glutamate which renders inappropriate salience and learning that engenders a limit on metaplasticity. Given its effectiveness against cocaine induced deficits in metaplasticity (Moussawi et al.,

Conclusion

We have outlined an account of delusional beliefs based on the tenets of animal learning theory and hierarchical Bayesian inference. We apply those tenets not only to explain dysfunctions in Pavlovian predictive learning (Corlett et al., 2006, Corlett et al., 2007b) and instrumental conditioning (Freeman et al., 2009, Murray et al., 2008, Roiser et al., 2009, Schlagenhauf et al., 2009), but also to account for the perceptual, affective and social disruptions that attend delusions (Bentall et

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